“Labor seems to be wandering around in the dark when it comes to their messaging and comms, a contrast to the concentrated strategy of Dutton, even if it is off a very small policy base,” writes political columnist ANDREW HUGHES. 

Recently in the US, leading members of the Democrats attended a retreat hosted by the centre-left group, Third Way. 

The “Comeback Retreat” produced a document that makes for fascinating reading. It is blunt and honest, something rare from a friendly review, but reminiscent of what Labour in the UK had to do to win and keep office with Tony Blair and “New Labour”. 

What also makes it a good read is how so much of what that document discusses could also be applied to Labor here in Australia. For example, the perception of a lack of patriotism, and then the perception that minority, far-left groups dictate the narrative and policy on certain issues, such as immigration. 

The weak messaging and comms point is very pertinent to Labor – recent policy announcements have been lost in the 24-second social and digital media cycle, and lacked connection and integration with other policies and the leader. 

Announcements have been too vague and detail heavy, disengaging some voters who can’t see any tangible immediate benefit or changes to their lives. This is especially so on cost of living, where the Coalition’s direct messaging on cuts to incomes has been pushed hard in the marginals of Victoria, NSW, SA, and Tasmania.

These key marginals, identified by groups such as Redbridge, are moving towards the Coalition, and even though they stand to pick up the majority of them, it still may not be enough to get close enough to minority government with friendly cross benchers such as Andrew Gee and Bob Katter. 

Yet Labor seems to be wandering around in the dark when it comes to their messaging and comms, a contrast to the concentrated strategy of Dutton, even if it is off a very small policy base. 

This is a throwback to how the Coalition approached the Voice – start small, stay small and let the vagueness and broad messaging of the government be its own undoing. Voters will get lost in big messages, and fail to see any tangible or immediate policy delivery, so feel hoodwinked by Labor. 

This feeds a cycle of distrust in future messaging, further hurting impact and momentum. Following the Coalition strategy here, anything they do is seen nearly as the opposite – tight, focused and highlighting the risk in the inherent policy implementation of the government. Throw in as well how this feeds the perception of how it is in the grips of vocal minority, far-left stakeholder groups who control it far better than Labor’s own leader. 

Essentially, you are then talking about your own strengths, but in contrast with those of Labor, so a lack of policy does not become the focus. 

It is smart, modern, effective politics. Yet this is a strategy years in the making, and Labor, who assumed that they would have at least two terms before a close election in 2028, are now faced with an uphill battle to retain majority government in the next term. 

Part of this links to another point raised in the Comeback Retreat document – being far too reactive and not proactive enough. Several issues this term of government support this notion domestically. 

• Gambling ads? Reactive and scared to take a stand lest an election campaign be fought against them by gambling groups. 
• Antisemitism? Reactive and then looked weak on policy approaches and implementations of those convicted of hate crimes. 
• Defence? Reactive, and again looked weak in response to pressure from the US to lift spending. 
• Supermarket duopoly and pricing? Reactive, and still to bring in criminal sanctions against those who take advantage of market power on issues such as shrinkflation and disguising price increases through sales promotions. 

And we haven’t even got to climate issues such as new coal mines and the hot issue in two marginals in Tasmania, salmon farming. 

Labor is getting into an ugly habit of micro-managing leaders when they become leader. Gillard had to tell us we were about to see the real Julia again. And Albanese has rarely been at the Q and A level he was before he won a tight tussle to become leader and eventually PM. 

Brand protection is one thing, but this fear of what could happen if leaders lead is hurting Labor. The benefits gained in a strategy best suited to a traditional media landscape are just not worth it any more. 

All they need to do to see the benefits of the opposite approach is to see the comeback of Peter Dutton. Or perhaps they need to start planning for a Comeback Retreat of their own for the second half of this year.

Dr Andrew Hughes is a lecturer with the Research School of Management at ANU where he specialises in political marketing and advertising.